Parth J Shah writes: “The selection of these glorious seven has few contenders.” He has chosen writers known well to the “glorious seven” — to provide personal insights.

Each profile is delineated, providing details and a framework within which each of the dissenters can be compared. From this emerges the evolution of their socio-economic position, since most had swung from left to right.

Minoo Masani was initially influenced by Harold Laski’s socialist ideas, at the London School of Economics, but later rejected them. He joined the Swatantra Party in 1959, S V Raju his secretary writes “… It found its way into India’s Five-Year Plans though, … and was hardly recognizable. … Nehru had turned his (Masani’s) concept from a ‘mixed economy’ into a ‘mixed up economy’”.

C Rajagopalachari or “Rajaji” was with the Congress, but finally left in 1959 to form the Swatantra Party and opposed Nehru’s socialism. According to G Narayanaswamy, Rajaji said, “… there was not a single Indian to point out the absurdity of the ‘permit license quota raj’.”

About Rajaji’s contradictory nature: “He introduced Hindi as a compulsory subject when he was... from 1937-39 despite strong opposition to Hindi…. But in the 1950s he carried on a virulent campaign against Hindi….”

N Ranga Rao a parliamentarian and activist was a Marxist who turned liberal. About him: “Pandit Nehru wanted to introduce the 17th Amendment Bill... to acquire lands of ordinary farmers without paying any compensation.” N Ranga Rao blocked the Bill for as long as he could. Amongst his many written works he analysed capitalistic and feudal forms of exploitation of farmers.

B R Shenoy is one of India’s earliest well-known economists. He was then infamous, now looked up at, for having written a Note of Dissent against the Second Plan. Mahesh P Bhatt writes, “For Professor Shenoy was anything but a ‘Committee’ man. He was an economist who preferred to be right in a minority of one.”

Piloo Mody was a founder of the Swatantra Party. R K Amin writes, about his reply to being a CIA beneficiary: “Piloo put a placard around his neck with ‘I am a CIA Agent’ written on it and moved around the corridors of Parliament House.” He talked of freedom, but with bread, though many will remember him for Zulfi, My Friend.

Khasu Subba Rau participated in the freedom struggle and was editor of the Indian Express. Initially a Congressman, by 1950 he opposed it, and in 1959 joined the Swatantra Party and edited Swarajya which also propagated party policies.

A D Shroff a liberal from the start, a non-official delegate to Bretton Woods, later formed the Forum of Free Enterprise. Minoo Shroff writes. “A D was a firm believer in promoting education and government playing a leading role in it….”

Each profile is packed with information, and a little about their quirks. But one would have liked to read a little about what they felt about each other especially considering that they were connected through the Swatantra Party. The profiles are silent on their interactions. Were they so unimportant to each other?

Also, it is debatable whether these seven have contributed to the change in thinking since the 1980s; surely external forces plus internal systemic breakdowns also played their part.

All the same, the book is an eye-opener for those not acquainted with this part of history since, other than Rajaji, contemporary political science hardly considers the others important. It talks about lesser- known events, like the opposition to the Sarvodaya movement, which are glossed over in accounts glorifying Sarvodaya. Overall, a straightforward but readable account of lives seen through favourable eyes.